James Politi and Lauren Fedor cor­rectly identify that Don­ald Trump and Nikki Haley rep­res­ent two oppos­ing vis­ions of Amer­ica’s inter­na­tional role, but therein lies a fun­da­mental chal­lenge for the Grand Old Party’s post-Covid approach to global affairs (“Can­did­ates offer clash­ing for­eign policy vis­ions”, Report, Janu­ary 23).

For all their dif­fer­ences, both Repub­lican “isol­a­tion­ists” and “inter­na­tion­al­ists” view global engage­ment primar­ily through a secur­ity lens instead of through eco­nomic and trade rela­tions.

Trump has been rightly cri­ti­cised for his uni­lat­er­al­ist approach and weak­en­ing mul­ti­lat­er­al­ism. Yet, while many inter­na­tion­al­ists might pro­fess sup­port for mul­ti­lat­eral insti­tu­tions, such sup­port often extends only to how far such policies pro­mote nar­rowly defined national interests.

A more authen­tic spirit of mul­ti­lat­er­al­ism requires a sense of fair play and respect for inter­na­tional law and organ­isa­tions, even when indi­vidual decisions by insti­tu­tions like the World Trade Organ­iz­a­tion might go against the US. Unfor­tu­nately, genu­ine com­mit­ment to inter­na­tional law and mul­ti­lat­er­al­ism — as one more read­ily finds in other advanced eco­nom­ies like France, Ger­many and Japan — appears increas­ingly rare among US inter­na­tion­al­ists and isol­a­tion­ists alike.

A more mul­ti­lat­er­al­ist, cau­tious approach pri­or­it­ising Amer­ica’s eco­nomic and trade rela­tions would allow the US to bene­fit from eco­nomic growth in newer mar­kets without becom­ing entangled in unne­ces­sary con­flicts.

While global eco­nomic and geo­pol­it­ical cir­cum­stances might ulti­mately inform what pre­cise for­eign policies to pur­sue at a given point, Amer­ican voters deserve bet­ter than the simple bin­ary choice of pro­tec­tion­ism and mil­it­ary adven­tur­ism over­seas.

Ryan Nabil
Dir­ector of Tech­no­logy Policy and Senior Fel­low, National Tax­pay­ers Union Found­a­tion, Wash­ing­ton, DC, US

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