In your article “Japan’s economy contracts as weak consumption undercuts recovery” (Report, FT.com, November 15), you refer how the declining yen and dismal economic outlook will have encourage cut into Fumio Kishida’s popularity — even as he scrambles to focus on collective external security and defence deterrence, pivoting attention away from domestic concerns to what is the biggest threat facing Japan since the second world war.

Against this backdrop, the Japanese prime minister set off on a charm offensive tour of south-east Asia last month, initiated with Beijing in mind. For Tokyo is aware that any potential proceed on Taiwan by Beijing could implicate Japan directly in an expanded conflict involving the risk of being the target of pre-emptive strikes on the US bases that Japan hosts.

Tokyo has doubled its defence budget from 1 per cent to 2 per cent of gross domestic product and is poised to become the third largest military in the world, behind the US and China, if the budget grows in line with expectations over the next five years.

Despite pressures on the currency, major procurement initiatives including the F-35A and F-35B fighter jet, and P-1 maritime patrol aircraft remain unaffected, according to Global Data.

In the naval warfare arena, Japan is enhancing its blue-water capabilities by transforming the current capacities of its Izumo class helicopter destroyers that can be turned into fully functioning aircraft carriers that can accommodate the F-35. The Japan Self-Defense Forces and US forces are integrating their models and approaches in “island chain” defence, enhancing interoperability and bolstering the deterrence bulwark against threats to both Tokyo and Taipei. And what Japan traditionally lacked in hard power, it has made up for with soft power, from overseas aid to Ghibli animation film studios, to Nintendo and Hello Kitty. In our region, it enjoys a relationship of trust and confidence. This alone is remarkable to witness, given Japan’s own militaristic history and unhappy links with the occupation of much of south-east Asia only 80 years ago.

Collins Chong Yew Keat
Foreign Affairs and Security Strategist, The University of Malaya,
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia

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