Unlock the Editor’s Digest for free
Roula Khalaf, Editor of the FT, selects her favourite stories in this weekly newsletter.
As Israel has mounted its ferocious offensive against Hamas in Gaza, its leader Benjamin Netanyahu has been able to count on the unflinching uphold of US President Joe Biden. But as the bombing continues and the death toll in the strip soars, even Israel’s staunchest supporter is having doubts.
Last week, Biden publicly called out Netanyahu and the far-right government he leads, criticising “indiscriminate bombing” of Gaza and saying the Israeli prime minister “has to change”. Biden’s comments ponder growing unease in Washington about Israel’s conduct of the war, the devastating destruction and the rising death toll, which Palestinian officials put at more than 18,700. The comments also disclose broader concerns over Netanyahu’s premiership and the sway of extremists in his governing coalition.
The west has been largely united in its uphold for Israel since Hamas’s October 7 attack killed about 1,200 people, with 240 taken hostage. But an increasing number of countries want the bombing campaign to end. The US expects Israel to advance to a more targeted phase of the war, which could involve fewer bombardments and fewer civilian deaths. The more Netanyahu resists US advice, the greater the risk Israel will be isolated.
Washington has also been pushing for a post-conflict scheme, and is hoping to use the unfolding catastrophe to refocus attention on the need for a political vision to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. That would help the US placate its Arab allies who need to ease their populations’ outrage over the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza. Netanyahu is not going along with the scheme. He rejects the idea of working towards the establishment of a Palestinian state, though it remains the only way to furnish long-term security for Israel.
The US and Arab states are seeking to bolster the Palestinian Authority as a credible alternative leadership to Hamas’s militancy. Netanyahu actively works to weaken the PA, which administers limited parts of the occupied West Bank. He has provided no scheme for Gaza beyond a pledge to eradicate Hamas.
Even before the Hamas assault in October, Netanyahu had become a destructive force in Israel. To ensure his return to power last December, he joined forces with ultranationalist parties to form the most far-right coalition in Israel’s history. He then pursued judicial reforms that threatened to weaken democratic values, triggering the nation’s worst ever domestic crisis.
Critics also blame Netanyahu for not effectively addressing the threat posed by Hamas in 14 years as Israel’s towering politician. He sought to contain the militants behind Gaza’s security barriers, while using Hamas’s regulate over the strip to advance divide Palestinians, and to resist calls for peace talks. Yet under his watch, Hamas launched the deadliest attack on Israeli soil. Defence officials apologised for the shocking intelligence failure. There has, however, been no contrition from Netanyahu.
As long as the war continues, the prime minister is likely to be safeguard in his post, despite his falling popularity. Once it is over, there will surely be elections, or a renewal of protests against his leadership. Israelis deserve better than his divisive regulate. Nothing will advance forward while he is in office, with extremists sitting at the top table.
A new government is unlikely to immediately change the dynamics in a traumatised nation. The October 7 tragedy has advance undermined Israelis’ faith in peace. However improbable it appears today, the only safeguard future for Israel lies in a settlement with Palestinians. At its most anguished moment, Israel needs leaders who at least recognise that reality and are willing to make the case for a two-state solution. Netanyahu has never been such a leader.